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Judiciary explores accountability options over Biden decline ‘coverup’

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Former President Joe Biden salutes the departure party before boarding Special Air Mission 46 at Joint Base Andrews, Md., Jan. 20, 2025. 

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No obvious solutions emerged during a congressional hearing Wednesday on how to hold those accountable for the alleged cover-up of President Joe Biden’s mental and cognitive decline, but witnesses had some suggestions for how to prevent similar situations in the future.

Republicans have been adamant for some time that Democratic lawmakers, the prior administration, the legacy media and those closest to Biden conspired to hide the former president’s mental and cognitive decline from the American people. More recently, allegations have surfaced that some of Biden’s staff or potentially others may have used an autopen – a machine that can replicate signatures – to sign official documents for Biden without his knowledge or consent.

From the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on June 18th, 2025

Wednesday’s witnesses agreed that further investigation needs to be done into these questions. Republicans also explored what can be done after the fact and how to prevent similar events from happening in the future. The Senate Judiciary Committee’s hearing into those questions Wednesday’s boycotted by all but one Democrat.

Republicans didn’t miss the opportunity to call them out for it. U.S. Sen. Eric Schmitt, R-MO, said Democrats’ absence and their failure to call any witnesses to testify was “deeply disappointing” but “not surprising.”

“Their absence speaks volumes – an implicit admission that the truth is too inconvenient to face,” Schmitt said. “This de facto boycott is not just a refusal to participate. It’s a refusal to serve the American people who deserve answers about who was truly leading their government.”

From the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on June 18th, 2025

Much of the hearing’s discussion revolved around proper uses of the autopen, which witnesses testified can only be rightfully used when the president specifically delegates its use to the user. The committee also discussed Section 4 of the 25th Amendment to the Constitution, which talks about succession in the case of a president becoming unfit or unable to fulfill the role. The amendment authorizes the vice president and a majority of the president’s cabinet to declare the president unfit, though that declaration has to be validated by a vote from Congress in order to have any effect.

What’s missing, however, is a clear manner of recourse for lawmakers or the public if those around the president fail to act despite plain signs he is incapable of holding office. Republicans wanted to know what they could do to prevent the alleged conspiracy from simply fading into history without consequences for any involved.

“As a government, it is imperative that we have clear contingency plans when emergency strikes, and yes, it is an emergency when we have a sitting president who is unable to discharge the duties of that office,” said U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, R-TX.

He asked witness Theo Wold, a visiting fellow for law and technology policy with The Heritage Foundation and who worked in the previous Trump administration, if any criminal statutes could be applied to those who are found to have participated in the alleged cover-up.

“In this case, some have suggested that there may be potential crimes committed by members of the Cabinet for failing to act basically, suborning perjury, forging, forging government documents, impersonating a federal officer, making false statements, conspiracy to defraud the United States, obstruction of justice, wire or mail fraud…  Do you think there’s any application of any of those criminal statutes to the circumstances of the Biden presidency?” Cornyn asked.

“There very well could be,” Wold said, but he added that it would be “a question for a prosecutor to take up in their discretion.”

While witnesses agreed that anyone participating in a cover-up should be held accountable, the solutions for doing so weren’t as clear as recommendations for how to prevent similar situations in the future.

John Harrison, James Madison Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of Virginia, didn’t see an obvious method of redress for what already happened but suggested that Congress perhaps require greater documentation of presidential actions going forward.

Wold provided additional suggestions, such as a revival of discussion around “other guardrails” that can be imposed on the 25th Amendment. There was lively debate toward the end of Ronald Reagan’s presidency about adding a mental health professional to the White House medical team or “whether the surgeon general should oversee the inclusion of medical reporting as part of… the 25th Amendment,” according to Wold. But he said there hadn’t been serious discussion since on how to improve the amendment. He also agreed with Sen. Katie Britt, R-AL, that some of the terms in the amendment, like “unable,” should be more clearly defined.

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Fordow obliterated: Israeli report confirms nuclear site inoperable

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Quick Hit:

Israel confirmed Wednesday that the U.S. airstrike on Iran’s Fordow nuclear site over the weekend caused severe damage, rendering the facility “inoperable.” Israeli officials say the operation has significantly delayed Iran’s nuclear ambitions.

Key Details:

  • The Israeli Prime Minister’s Office said the U.S. strike destroyed key infrastructure at Fordow and crippled Iran’s uranium enrichment capability at the site.
  • The statement, delivered on behalf of the Israel Atomic Energy Commission, concluded that combined U.S. and Israeli strikes have set Iran’s nuclear weapons program back “by many years.”
  • President Trump praised the success of the operation during remarks at the NATO summit in Brussels, calling it a “joint Israeli-American victory” and likening it to Israel’s decisive 1967 Six Day War.

Diving Deeper:

On Wednesday, the Israeli government released an official statement confirming that a U.S. airstrike on Iran’s Fordow nuclear facility had effectively shut down operations at the controversial site. The announcement came shortly after President Donald Trump previewed the findings during a press conference at the NATO summit in Brussels, noting that Israeli intelligence would provide details on the mission’s results.

“The devastating U.S. strike on Fordow destroyed the site’s critical infrastructure and rendered the enrichment facility inoperable,” read the statement issued by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office on behalf of the Israel Atomic Energy Commission. The report concluded that the joint American and Israeli military campaign had “set back Iran’s ability to develop nuclear weapons by many years.”

Officials added that this delay in Iran’s nuclear capabilities could continue “indefinitely,” provided Tehran is prevented from obtaining new sources of nuclear material.

Fordow has long been one of the most heavily fortified and secretive components of Iran’s nuclear program, buried deep beneath a mountain near the city of Qom. Intelligence analysts had previously identified it as a central hub for uranium enrichment—one of the final steps in developing a nuclear weapon.

President Trump, who authorized the airstrikes over the weekend, hailed the mission’s outcome as a strategic triumph. Referring to the brief but intense military confrontation as the “12 Day War,” Trump drew historical parallels to Israel’s famed Six Day War in 1967, underscoring the speed and precision of the operation.

“This was a joint Israeli-American victory,” Trump said. “And we achieved it without a prolonged conflict or massive deployment.”

The Fordow strike followed a series of precision attacks by Israel on other elements of Iran’s nuclear and military infrastructure. Together, the coordinated efforts appear to have dealt a major blow to Tehran’s nuclear ambitions, though experts caution that Iran’s response in the coming weeks remains uncertain.

The Israeli report marks the first formal assessment from a government directly involved in the strikes and is likely to shape future international discussions on Iran’s nuclear path.

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President Xi Skips Key Summit, Adding Fuel to Ebbing Power Theories

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First-ever BRICS absence deepens questions over internal CCP dissent

Chinese President Xi Jinping will skip the upcoming BRICS summit in Rio de Janeiro, the first time he has ever missed the gathering of major emerging powers—a development that will add to speculation that Xi’s power among elite Chinese Communist circles is being challenged by a faction publicly humiliated by Xi in 2022.

Beijing cited a “scheduling conflict,” according to multiple officials involved in summit planning, South China Morning Post has reported. But Xi’s absence—coming amid intensifying economic pressures and purges within the People’s Liberation Army—has triggered speculation that deeper internal political currents may be at play.

China’s delegation to Brazil will instead be led by Premier Li Qiang, marking the second time in under a year that Xi has delegated such a high-level multilateral forum. Observers note that Li also stood in for Xi at the G20 summit in India in 2023.

The BRICS platform is a key pillar of China’s push for a multipolar world, challenging the Western-led order.

The official explanation for Xi’s absence—that he has already met Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva twice in the past year—has done little to quell questions about the Chinese leader’s standing at home. Those concerns are being amplified by mounting signs of internal dissent within the Chinese Communist Party, as China’s economy falters and long-suppressed questions about Xi’s hardline tactics against the West, including mounting threats to invade Taiwan, gain traction with the reemergence of a sidelined political faction.

As detailed in a recent Jamestown Foundation analysis, Xi Jinping may be facing renewed political friction from within the Party’s elite ranks—specifically, the so-called Tuanpai, or Youth League faction, aligned with former president Hu Jintao and premier Wen Jiabao.

The history of the Xi-Hu rift is punctuated by a theatrical public humiliation: in October 2022, Hu Jintao was forcibly escorted from the closing session of the CCP’s 20th Party Congress. The moment was captured on live television and interpreted globally as Xi’s final symbolic purge of Hu’s faction. Hu, seated next to Xi Jinping, appeared to reach for documents on the table. Li Zhanshu, seated to Hu’s left, took the papers and placed them out of reach. Xi signaled, and two security staff approached Hu, gently lifting him from his seat and escorting him out. Hu appeared reluctant, attempting to retrieve the documents and briefly exchanging words with Xi. He also patted Premier Li Keqiang, a key figure in the Youth League faction, on the shoulder before leaving. The stunning incident lasted about 90 seconds.

Li died less than a year later, in October 2023, reportedly from a sudden heart attack while swimming in Shanghai. His unexpected death at age 68—soon after leaving office—was officially described as natural, but has fueled speculation among Chinese observers and dissidents, with some questioning the timing and circumstances.

Evidence of the Hu faction’s comeback emerged from the secretive Party retreat in Beidaihe in August 2023. According to Nikkei Asia, and later corroborated by additional sources, three senior Communist Party elders delivered pointed criticisms of Xi Jinping’s policies behind closed doors. All three had ties to the former Hu-Wen administration. Their intervention reportedly provoked visible frustration from Xi, according to individuals familiar with the meeting.

Hu pats Premier Li Keqiang, a key figure in the Youth League faction, on the shoulder, while being forcibly removed in a public purge. Li died in a swimming accident one year later.

In a possible gesture of appeasement—or vulnerability—Xi has more recently echoed terminology traditionally associated with Hu’s tenure. He invoked the phrase “scientific, democratic, and law-based policymaking,” a hallmark of Hu’s governing lexicon, signaling either rhetorical triangulation or a forced concession to resurgent internal pressures.

The most striking signal of renewed factional maneuvering is the quiet reemergence of Hu Chunhua, according to Jamestown’s analysis, the protégé of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao once viewed as a potential future president. Xi sidelined Hu Chunhua in 2022 by excluding him from the Politburo—an unprecedented break from succession norms. But in recent months, Hu has been deployed in high-level diplomatic missions typically reserved for top officials.

In April 2024, Hu led a Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference delegation to West Africa. The next month, he appeared at the Vietnamese Embassy to pay respects following the death of Vietnam’s former president—a role traditionally carried out by a Politburo-level official.

Xi’s sweeping anti-corruption purges in 2023—many of which targeted military figures linked to the Central Military Commission—have depleted some of his institutional backing. The Jamestown Foundation notes that these purges, rather than consolidating Xi’s grip, may have created new political openings for rivals.

Taken together with broader indicators of factional turbulence, Xi’s BRICS no-show feeds a growing intelligence narrative—shared by The Bureau’s expert sources in the United States and Taiwan—that China’s paramount leader, having consolidated power through sweeping purges, is now encountering mounting signs of blowback from within the Party.

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