Business
New Towns Offer a Solution to Canada’s Housing Crisis

The postwar Canadian Dream: Don Mills, unveiled in 1953, was Canada’s first self-contained, suburban New Town. The brainchild of industrialist E.P. Taylor (top right), it offered young Canadian families the opportunity to abandon hectic downtown living for a more bucolic lifestyle in the suburbs.
By John Roe
Prime Minister Mark Carney says his plan to end Canada’s interminable housing crisis is to “Build Baby Build”. We can hope.
Unfortunately, Carney’s current plan is little more than a collection of unproven proposals and old policy mistakes including modular homes, boutique tax breaks, billions of taxpayer dollars in loans or subsidies and a new federal building authority.
The enormity of the task demands much broader thinking. Rather than simply encouraging a stacked townhouse here, and a condo there, Canada needs to remember what has worked in the past. And what other countries are doing today. With this in mind, Carney should embrace New Towns.
Also known as Garden Cities or Satellite Cities, New Towns are brand-new, planned communities of 10,000 or more citizens and that stand apart from existing urban centres. These are more than the suburbs reflexively loathed by so many planners and environmentalists. Rather, New Towns can offer a diverse mixture of living options, ranging from ground-level housing to built-to-purpose rental apartments and condominiums. As self-contained communities, they include schools, community centres along with shopping and employment opportunities.
New Towns represent the marriage of inspired utopianism with pragmatic realism. And they can provide the home so many of us crave.
Originally conceived in Britain during the Industrial Age, Canada witnessed its own New Town building boom during the post-war era. Communities built in the 1950s and 1960s including Don Mills, Bramalea, and Erin Mills in Ontario were all designed as separate entities meant to relieve population pressure on nearby Toronto. Other New Towns took advantage of new resource opportunities. Examples here including Thompson, Manitoba which sprang up around a nickel mine, and Kitimat, B.C., which was built to house workers in the aluminum industry.
While New Town development largely died off in the 1970s and 1980s, it is enjoying a revival today in many other countries.
Facing his own housing crisis and building on his country’s past experience, British Labour Prime Minister Keir Starmer has established a New Towns Taskforce that will soon choose 12 sites where construction on new communities will begin by 2029.
On the other side of the Atlantic — and the political spectrum — U.S. President Donald Trump — has proposed awarding 10 new city charters for building New Towns on underdeveloped federal land.
Meanwhile, several Silicon Valley billionaires are backing Solano, a planned city 60 miles east of San Francisco with a goal of creating a new community of up to 400,000 people by 2040. And Elon Musk is already building a New Town at Starbase, Texas as the headquarters for his SpaceX rocket firm.
To be fair, not every New Town has been a success. In the late 1960s, Ontario tried to build a brand-new city on the shores of Lake Erie known as Townsend. Planned as a home for up to 100,000 people, the project fizzled for a variety of reasons, including a lack of proper transportation links and other important infrastructure, such as schools or a hospital. Today, fewer than 1,000 people live there.
Despite the lessons of the past, there are three compelling reasons why Carney should include New Towns as part of his solution to Canada’s housing crisis.
First, by starting with a blank canvas, a New Town offers the chance to avoid the stultifying NIMBYism of existing home owners and municipal officials who often stand in the way of new development. The status quo is one of the biggest obstacles to ending the housing crisis, and New Towns are by their very nature new.
Second, because New Towns are located outside existing urban centres, they offer the promise of delivering ground-level homes with a yard and driveway that so many young Canadians say they want. Focusing growth exclusively in existing urban centres such as Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal – as Carney seems to be doing – will deliver greater density, but not fulfil the housing dreams of Canadian families.
Third, New Towns can herald a more prosperous and unified Canada for the 21 st century. New Towns could be built in regions such as Ontario’s Ring of Fire, rich with minerals the world demands. New Towns could also tighten the east-west ties that bind the country together. Further, this growth can be focused on areas with marginal farmland, such as the Canadian Shield, which in Ontario starts just a 90 minute drive north of
Toronto.
New Towns are already beginning to pop up in Canada. In 2017, for example, construction began on Seaton Community, a satellite town adjacent to Pickering Ontario that will eventually grow into six neighbourhoods with up to 70,000 residents. And this spring, the southwestern Ontario municipality of Central Elgin unveiled plans for a New Town of 9,000 residents on the edge of St. Thomas.
Having promised Canadians fast and decisive “elbows up” leadership, our prime minister should throw his weight behind New Towns. To begin, he could appoint a New Town Task Force, similar to the one in Britain to get to work identifying potential locations. Even better, he could simply say his government thinks New Towns are a good idea and let the private sector do all the heavy lifting.
If the millions of Canadians currently shut out of the housing market are to have any chance at owning the home of their dreams, New Towns need to be in the mix.
John Roe is a Kitchener, Ont. freelance writer and former editorial page editor of the Waterloo Region Record. The original and longer version of this story first appeared at C2CJournal.ca
Business
Bank of Canada Flags Challenges Amid Absence of Federal Budget

Dan Knight
Governor Tiff Macklem signals the central bank is flying blind as Mark Carney’s Liberal government withholds fiscal plans, leaving Canadians to face rising prices and economic uncertainty.
The Bank of Canada—yes, the people in charge of stabilizing your currency, protecting your savings, and guiding the economy through the storm—held a press conference. The takeaway? They have no idea what’s going on.
If you missed it, Governor Tiff Macklem stood at the podium and told Canadians, with a straight face, that the Bank is keeping interest rates unchanged at 2.75%. Now, if you’re expecting that decision to come with some clarity, a plan, maybe even a roadmap for the months ahead—don’t hold your breath.
Why? Because Macklem said the Bank’s navigating ‘unusual uncertainty’ from U.S. trade moves, and they’re too unsure to pin down a forecast. Instead, they’re waiting for more numbers to make sense of the mess.
Just pause and think about that for a second. The central bank of one of the wealthiest nations on Earth—tasked with steering the economy—is flying blind.
But don’t worry, we were told. A rate cut might come in July. Maybe. Depending on how inflation behaves. Depending on how the economy holds up. Depending on a whole list of things no one can actually predict right now. Macklem says it depends on inflation being “contained.” But look around—consumer spending is falling, housing is slowing down, and people are losing jobs in sectors tied to trade. And he knows it.
He said, “The second quarter is expected to be much weaker.” Why? Because the growth we saw earlier this year was a mirage. Canadian companies rushed to export goods before U.S. tariffs hit. That inflated Q1 GDP to 2.2%. Now the adrenaline is gone and reality is setting in.
He didn’t say we’re in trouble. But he didn’t need to. When your central banker says growth was “pulled forward” and Q2 will be “much weaker,” he’s telling you the economy is already running on fumes.
And then there’s inflation. Now, according to the headlines, inflation dropped to 1.7% in April. Sounds good, right? Until you look at why. The reason inflation dropped is because the federal government eliminated the carbon tax, which temporarily lowered gas prices. That policy change alone knocked 0.6 percentage points off inflation. Not because goods got cheaper—because the tax man backed off for once.
Meanwhile, core inflation—the kind that actually matters—went up. Higher food prices, rising goods prices, supply chain costs—it’s all hitting Canadian businesses and families right now. Macklem even said it himself: “Underlying inflation could be firmer than we thought.”
So what does the Bank do when prices are rising for the wrong reasons and growth is falling for the right ones? Apparently, they wait. They gather “intel” from business owners and talk about “soft data.” That’s the technical term now: soft data.
But the real kicker—what’s actually driving a lot of this chaos—is U.S. trade policy. Tariffs are back. Yes, tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum were doubled again. And Macklem admitted that unpredictability is the biggest threat we’re facing. He said: “The trade conflict initiated by the United States remains the biggest headwind facing the Canadian economy.”
And what has Canada done to protect itself from that risk? Absolutely nothing.
In fact, Macklem came right out and admitted it. He said Canada’s overdependence on U.S. trade has been obvious for years. Here’s the quote:
“Canada’s trade is very concentrated with the United States. Look, it’s always going to be concentrated with the United States… but that doesn’t mean we can’t diversify our trade.”
So the solution has been obvious for decades. Diversify our exports. Strengthen our own internal market. Get serious about reducing interprovincial trade barriers—yes, those still exist in this country. But none of it happened. None of it. Not under Trudeau. Not under Chrystia Freeland. And certainly not under the new “caretaker” prime minister, Mark Carney—Trudeau’s old global finance buddy.
The Deafening Silence from Ottawa: No Budget, No Plan, No Leadership
Now, let’s talk about what Tiff Macklem didn’t say—but might as well have.
At a time when Canadians are facing real economic stress—on housing, food, jobs, and savings—the Liberal government under Mark Carney has failed to table a federal budget. Let that sink in. We’re halfway through 2025, inflation is shifting, trade policy is in turmoil, and the federal government has not provided a single fiscal blueprint.
This isn’t just a minor oversight. In a presser filled with caution, hedging, and uncertainty, Macklem was asked point-blank how the lack of a spring budget is affecting the Bank’s ability to do its job. His answer? Chilling in its understatement:
“Whatever announcements come out of the government that are… concrete, clear plans with numbers on them—we will take those on board.”
But here’s the thing: there are no numbers. There are no “concrete” plans. There is no spring budget. Which means the Bank of Canada is operating without a fiscal anchor.
And that’s not a partisan jab. That’s a direct acknowledgment from the central bank governor. Monetary policy doesn’t exist in a vacuum. It relies on fiscal policy—how much Ottawa plans to spend, what kind of debt it’s taking on, whether it’s injecting or withdrawing demand from the economy. Without that information, the Bank is effectively being asked to navigate blindfolded.
Macklem was careful, as central bankers always are, but he sent a signal to anyone paying attention: the absence of fiscal clarity is a problem. In his words, it “complicates monetary policy planning.” That’s about as blunt as a central banker gets.
Yet in a moment of unintended honesty, he added this:
“To be frank, the budget is not the biggest source of uncertainty… It’s U.S. tariffs.”
Well, sure. America’s economic unpredictability is real. But what Macklem didn’t say—but we all know—is this: Canada’s lack of internal leadership is a close second. And that’s the part Ottawa doesn’t want to talk about.
And here’s the part that’s impossible to ignore, even if every outlet in this country refuses to say it: Mark Carney knows better.
He used to run central banks. That’s his entire résumé. He understands, better than anyone, that monetary policy doesn’t function in a fiscal vacuum. He knows the Bank of Canada requires a federal budget to plan ahead. He knows you can’t forecast inflation or economic activity if the federal government won’t even tell you how much it plans to spend, borrow, or tax. That’s not some fringe economic theory, that’s Monetary Policy 101.
And yet, despite knowing all of this, Carney is choosing not to deliver a budget. He’s actively keeping the Bank of Canada in the dark. Why?
Well, maybe it’s because he doesn’t want to show you the numbers. Because the numbers are bad. Because the spending is out of control. Because the debt is spiraling. Because if he puts it all on paper, if he gives us the hard data, then suddenly, the opposition can do what it’s supposed to do: hold his government to account.
And maybe, just maybe, Carney doesn’t want that. Not yet. Not so early in his reign as Trudeau’s heir. He doesn’t want the Conservative Party pulling apart his economic plan, and he certainly doesn’t want the Canadian people realizing that we are not collecting retaliatory tariffs on U.S. goods, even as the Americans hammer us again with steel and aluminum levies.
He doesn’t want you to see the imbalance. Because if you did, if the average Canadian saw how weak and passive this country has become in the face of American economic aggression, you’d be furious. You’d demand answers. You’d demand change.
But instead, its all, “elbows down.” Quietly filtered out of the official narrative. No plan, no numbers, no debate—just vague promises, half-hearted reassurances, and a press conference where your central banker admits he’s guessing.
And you, the ordinary Canadian, are stuck with the consequences. You feel it every time you go to the grocery store. Food prices are still climbing. The latest inflation data shows that even as headline numbers tick down, your groceries are getting more expensive. Your paycheque isn’t going as far. And nobody in power seems to care enough to fix it.
So here’s the truth: the system is rigged. Not in some conspiratorial way, but in the most obvious, bureaucratic, cowardly way imaginable. Those in charge know the damage they’re causing. They just don’t want to be blamed for it.
And as always, it’s the people who work, save, and pay taxes—the people who still believe in this country—who get left holding the bag.
So the next time they tell you “everything is under control,” ask yourself: whose hands are on the wheel?
Because right now, it sure doesn’t look like anyone is driving.
Good-day, Canada.
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Business
This Sunday, June 8, is Tax Freedom Day, when Canadians finally start working for themselves

From the Fraser Institute
By Milagros Palacios, Jake Fuss and Nathaniel Li
This Sunday, June 8, Canadians will celebrate Tax Freedom Day, the day in the year when they start working for themselves and not government, finds a new study published by the Fraser Institute, an independent, non-partisan Canadian public policy think-tank.
“If Canadians paid all their taxes up front, they would work the first 158 days of this year before bringing any money home for themselves and their families,” said Jake Fuss, director of fiscal studies at the Fraser Institute.
Tax Freedom Day measures the total annual tax burden imposed on Canadian families by federal, provincial, and municipal governments.
In 2025, the average Canadian family (with two or more people) will pay $68,266 in total taxes. That’s 43.1 per cent of its annual income ($158,533) going to income taxes, payrolltaxes (including the Canada Pension Plan), health taxes, sales taxes (like the GST), property taxes, fuel taxes, “sin” taxes and more.
Represented as days on the calendar, the total tax burden comprises more than five months of income—from January 1 to June 7. On June 8th—Tax Freedom Day—Canadians finally start working for themselves, and not government.
But Canadians should also be worried about the nearly $90 billion in deficits the federal and provincial governments are forecasting this year, because they will have substantial tax implications in future years.
To better illustrate this point, the study also calculates a Balanced Budget Tax Freedom Day—the day of the year when the average Canadian finally would finally start working for themselves if governments paid for all of this year’s spending with taxes collected this year.
In 2025, the Balanced Budget Tax Freedom Day won’t arrive until June 21. “Tax Freedom Day helps put the total tax burden in perspective, and helps Canadians understand just how much of their money they pay in taxes every year,” Fuss said. “Canadians need to decide for themselves whether they are getting their money’s worth when it comes to how governments are spending their tax dollars.”
Tax Freedom Day for each province varies according to the extent of the provincially and locally levied tax burden.
2025 Provincial Tax Freedom Days
Manitoba May 17
Saskatchewan May 31
British Columbia May 31
Alberta May 31
Prince Edward Island June 2
New Brunswick June 4
Ontario June 7
Nova Scotia June 10
Newfoundland & Labrador June 19
Quebec June 21
CANADA June 8
Canadians Celebrate Tax Freedom Day on June 8, 2025
- In 2025, the average Canadian family will earn $158,533 in income and pay an estimated $68,266 in total taxes (43.1%).
- If the average Canadian family had to pay its taxes up front, it would have worked until June 7 to pay the total tax bill imposed on it by all three levels of government (federal, provincial, and local).
- This means that Tax Freedom Day, the day in the year when the average Canadian family has earned enough money to pay the taxes imposed on it, falls on June 8.
- Tax Freedom Day in 2025 comes one day earlier than in 2024, when it fell on June 9. This change is due to the expectation that the total tax revenues forecasted by Canadian governments will increase slower than the incomes of Canadians.
- Tax Freedom Day for each province varies according to the extent of the provincially levied tax burden. The earliest provincial Tax Freedom Day falls on May 17 in Manitoba, while the latest falls on June 21 in Quebec.
- Canadians are right to be thinking about the tax implications of the $89.4 billion in projected federal and provincial government deficits in 2025. For this reason, we calculated a Balanced Budget Tax Freedom Day, the day on which average Canadians would start working for themselves if governments were obliged to cover current expenditures with current taxation. In 2025, the Balanced Budget Tax Freedom Day arrives on June 21.
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